The world economy is facing an unprecedented crisis. The COVID-19 pandemic demonstrated the real scale of the imminent crisis of neoliberal model, accelerating its development and aggravating its consequences. The situation in the global economy had a negative impact on the Cuban economy, especially since it coincided with tightening of economic embargo by Donald Trump Administration against Cuba launched more than 60 years ago. This article provides a preliminary assessment of the consequences of the crisis bearing in mind that the damage will depend upon duration and intensity of the pandemic around the world. Given the open nature of the Cuban economy, the estimates are based on the projected dynamics of the global economy. In the first part of the article the author, relying on extensive statistics, analyzes international context in which the economic situation in Cuba is developing, as well as the key obstacles to the country’s economic development. Further on, the author examines in detail the course of COVID-19 pandemic development in the country, assessing key peculiarities of the government program to combat the virus. The author also makes a detailed analysis of the government program for economic recovery and development, paying specific attention to the peculiarities of the monetary regime in force in Cuba. In the final part of the article the author provides an analysis of the main priorities of the government at the present stage, namely, increasing foreign exchange earnings, food production and improving the efficiency of capital investments, especially foreign direct investments. The author concludes that the key factor for Cuba development will be the effectiveness of application of the economic policy approved by the government and promptness of the reforms that are required to overcome existing obstacles.

For a comprehensive understanding, one as close to reality as possible, of the U.S.-Cuban relations it is necessary to study in detail the conceptual foundations and historical background of the U.S. foreign policy towards the Latin American region in general, and towards Cuba in particular. To this end, the author offers a retrospective overview of the U.S. policy in interaction with the Cuban state, taking as a starting point the very formation of the United States as a state from thirteen original colonies. The origins of the U.S.-Cuban interaction, the context of the victory of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, as well as the political motivation of American leaders, both Democratic and Republican, in the context of building relations with Cuba are examined. The political decisions of the U.S. leadership regarding Cuba are immersed into the global dynamics of world political processes and the positioning of the U.S. in the international arena in different periods. Building the sequence of the U.S. relations with the island the author comes to the conclusion that the dialogue with Cuba has always been from the position of force, and it is proven in the article that such approach, often accompanied by unfair destructive actions, remained in place even in the moment of warming, namely during the restoration of relations with Cuba in the years of Barack Obama’s presidency. The author is convinced that the solution of the conflict between the two countries will be realistically possible only when the U.S. government fully recognizes Cuba’s sovereignty and ambitions to be more actively involved in the regional and international agenda.

After Donald Trump becoming US president, the process of normalizing US-Cuban relations was interrupted for four years. After his inauguration, as he had promised during the election campaign, he canceled almost all of the achievements of his predecessor in the area of improving bilateral ties and subsequently consistently tightened sanctions against Havana. This could have been due to the desire of Trump to provide a reciprocal ‘service’ to the ultra-conservative interest groups in Washington, D.C. whose substantial support was used during the elections. At the same time, the Republican, usually not inclined to caution in decision-making, gradually introduced new restrictions on interaction with the Latin American country and was in no hurry to use all instruments available at once. Probably, in this way Trump tried to keep for himself as long as possible the main ‘bargaining chip’, which the Island of Freedom became in his internal political game quid pro quo the new partners from among the ‘hawks’. Therefore, the White House began to take the most aggressive measures just on the eve of the 2020 elections and immediately after them. The victory of the Democrat Joseph Biden, who served as a vice-president in Barack Obama administration, did not allow the calculations of the ultra-conservatives to come true in full: Cuba withstood the pressure from the United States and there was hope that Washington and Havana would again meet at the negotiating table. But under what conditions the parties can return to the topic of normalizing relations is still unknown. In this sense, a lot will depend on the team of the elected president, senior officials who will be included in his team. In addition, the changes in regional international relations that have taken place in recent years will also play a role. The situation some six years ago, which prompted the White House to move closer to the Island of Freedom, has partially lost its relevance today. In this regard, the position of the Latin American states, the American-Cuban community in the United States, as well as the current balance of power in the Congress deserve special attention. The article uses a problematic approach, the main task of which was to analyze the main results of Trump’s anti-Cuban policy and to identify opportunities for improving US-Cuban relations during the Biden administration.

Given the geostrategic importance of Cuba for the entire American continent and the increasing complexity of the nature of security as such, and accordingly, of the mechanisms of ensuring it in the modern world, the problem of drug trafficking is rather high on the agenda of the U.S.-Cuban relations. The article examines the issue of combating drug trafficking in the context of bilateral relations between Cuba and the United States in order to assess the prospects for joint efforts on this track. The author presents a retrospective of mostly unilateral initiatives by U.S. presidents that did not lead to real tangible results, in particular due to the prevailing erroneous approach of militarization in the fight against drug trafficking. The new century requires new forms and a qualitatively higher level of interaction. With a noticeable warming in the dialogue with Cuba under Barack Obama the situation has changed in many respects, and quite a few initiatives of bilateral nature began to bear fruit. Nevertheless, with Donald Trump’s rise to power, there is an obvious setback in the rapprochement, in proof of which the author gives examples of specific destructive steps, although this position of the administration met if not open criticism, then proposals for alternative scenarios of the development of contacts between the states. The potential that exists in both countries for cooperation in this area can be realized provided that the interests of common security prevail over political disagreements and state channels of cooperation are strengthened, with the dynamics of this process being reflected in the situation in the region as a whole.

In examining Cuba’s positioning in Latin America and the Caribbean and in the world at large, the author identifies several relevant factors, including the US foreign policy, the Venezuela issue, as well as the balance of political power in the region and Cuba’s domestic policy. In view of this, it is also worth considering global trends that are projected onto regional dynamics. The configuration of integration entities in South America is of importance in this context: the realities are such that the political orientation of these entities, as well as the foreign policy aspirations of the key players, predetermine the participation prospects for specific countries in the region. Amid the present Sino-American disagreements, the political strivings of the Latin American leaders in the wake of the United States limits the opportunities that the cooperation with China offers to the region. As for Cuba, it is becoming involved into the regional disposition, mainly through diplomatic, economic, cultural and migration channels, but also through political dialogue and cooperation in specific areas. For instance, health care is considered a promising area, although the US has attempted to block Cuban ambitions in this regard. The current political balance of power, exacerbated by the decisions of the Trump administration, has not provided a favourable scenario for Cuba. Nevertheless, such circumstances serve as a test of the ability of the Cuban national diplomacy to maintain the delicate balance of such components as defending national sovereignty, supporting the closest allies and maintaining diplomatic and economic relations with the governments in the region, in the face of a crisis and weakening regional integration mechanisms that are a priority for Cuba.

The countries of Asia and Oceania occupy a prominent place in Cuba’s foreign policy orientation, which is especially relevant today when the country is facing another strengthening of restrictions by the United States, as well as trying to overcome the crisis caused by the Covid-19 pandemic. The author analyzes the history and potential of Cuba’s cooperation with Asia, which is the most dynamic region in the world economy, in order to demonstrate the level of existing interaction and the prospects of emerging opportunities. The article provides an overview of the process of Cuba’s establishing diplomatic relations with the countries of Asia and Oceania, reflecting on both the incentives and the difficulties that accompanied this dynamic. The author looks at different areas of cooperation with the countries of the region, including health care (exchange of medical professionals, support by sharing medical brigades, shipments of diagnostic equipment and medications), agriculture and food security, academic exchange, etc. Particular attention is paid to trade, where economic ties with key partners are examined, taking into account the structure of trade. In conclusion, the research stresses the essential importance of developing already consolidated and trending relations between Cuba and the Asia-Pacific region, both with its “giants” and with the smaller states. This thesis is also supported by political preconditions, in particular by the fact that, from the political perspective, the countries of the region have expressed support and agreement with Cuba in many bilateral and multilateral aspects, especially those related to the condemnation of the U.S. economic and financial embargo against Cuba.

The author examines the evolution of Cuban medical diplomacy under the governments of Raul Castro and Miguel Diaz-Canel. The author shows that the essence of the Cuban national health system, which developed after the 1959 Revolution, is its accessibility. At the time of collapse of the socialist bloc, the Cuban government managed to maintain and surpass the achieved level of development of medicine. The presence of a large number of medical specialists allows the socialist government of Cuba to organize cooperation with dozens of states around the world. Under the leadership of Castro, the export of medical goods and services has become the main source of foreign exchange earnings and a driver of economic growth, and medical diplomacy has become an important tool of soft power, which is used to form an attractive image of the state among the world community. In doing so, the government combines pragmatism, increasing the cost-effectiveness of the programs, and altruism, providing gratuitous aid to the countries most in need. The main difficulty in developing this direction in Cuba’s foreign policy is associated with the North American embargo. In 2018, the US government launched a large-scale campaign to discredit Cuban medical internationalism. This policy aims to further restrict already limited access to essential resources. The country was also negatively affected by the ‘right turn’ in the region: the neoliberal governments of several countries refused to continue medical cooperation with Cuba. At the same time, the trends of recent years indicate an imminent repetition of the shift to the left, which in the future can significantly strengthen the Cuban positions in the region. In addition, the coronavirus pandemic showed that the world community needs a rapid medical response force with Cuban missions serving as a basis thereof.

Interview with Elena Maria Diaz Gonzalez, Professor at the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences (FLACSO). Academic career of Prof. Diaz Gonzalez focuses on social development in Latin America and divergences on public policy and gender. She has led numerous research teams, developing valuable materials on the history of Cuba, the dynamics reflecting Cuba’s importance in the international arena, and the recognized Cuban contribution to countries that require international humanitarian support, especially in the face of natural disasters. In addition, through her work, Prof. Diaz Gonzalez has researched several issues connected to the repercussions of the North American hegemony towards Cuba, tracing a new horizon of the new world leaderships in financial, political and diplomatic matters with a historical and analytical reference. She also discusses achievements and democratic challenges of the Cuban society as a sovereign and patriotic struggle, even against the mainstream beliefs on the matter.